By Roger Brock, Stephen Hodkinson
This quantity comprises eighteen essays by way of verified and more youthful historians that research non-democratic replacement political platforms and ideologies--oligarchies, monarchies, combined constitutions--along with diversified types of communal and local institutions akin to ethnoi, amphiktyonies, and confederacies. The papers, which span the size and breadth of the Hellenic global spotlight the mammoth political flexibility and variety of old Greek civilization.
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This quantity comprises eighteen essays via verified and more youthful historians that study non-democratic replacement political structures and ideologies--oligarchies, monarchies, combined constitutions--along with various kinds of communal and neighborhood institutions corresponding to ethnoi, amphiktyonies, and confederacies.
The 1st full-length learn of famine in antiquity. The learn presents distinct case stories of Athens and Rome, the easiest recognized states of antiquity, but additionally illuminates the institutional reaction to nutrition predicament within the mass of normal towns within the Mediterranean global. old historians have in most cases proven no real interest in investigating the cloth base of the original civilisations of the Graeco-Roman international, and feature left unexplored the function of the meals provide in framing the imperative associations and practices of old society.
The Basle entire remark on Homer's Iliad is standard the world over, either in examine and educating. the second one, revised variation of the statement on publication 1 (vol. 1, 2002) having been out of print for a few months, a 3rd revised version is now on hand.
This can be the 1st booklet in English to supply a scientific remedy of Panhellenism. the writer argues that during archaic and classical Greece Panhellenism used to be a physique of narratives that expressed, outlined and restricted the neighborhood of the Hellenes and gave it political substance. but Panhellenic narratives additionally replied to different wishes of the neighborhood, specifically helping find the Hellenes in time and area.
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8. 63. 3, 73. 3–6); this regime, however, lasted only until 404, when it was replaced after Athens’ defeat by a narrow oligarchy favourable to Sparta. There is more to such cases than political instability: changes of constitution in the ﬁfth and fourth centuries were usually tied up with foreign-policy issues, since hegemonic powers like Athens and Sparta tended to favour governments friendly to themselves (democracies in the former case, oligarchies in the latter) and would support changes in their interest.
Iii. Note also Aristotle’s recommendation in Pol. 1298B32–3 that, as an aid to constitutional stability, oligarchic assemblies be allowed to pass only motions identical to, or compatible with, motions brought before them. Introduction: Alternatives to the Democratic Polis 15 fers an excellent example: formally, since she had kings, she ought to have been seen as a monarchy (or rather a dyarchy), and it was possible, if mildly paradoxical, to describe her as a democracy (Isoc. 7. 60–1; 12. 178); but any close examination of Sparta in action could hardly fail to identify her as an oligarchy.
It would be easy to take a cynical view and suggest that oligarchy had no ideological basis beyond the concern of those exercising power to retain it. Certainly, for anyone taking a pragmatic rather than a strictly moral view, it is hard to perceive any palpable distinction between oligarchy and aristocracy. Analytically, the former term is perhaps best regarded as a functional description, the latter as a persuasive deﬁnition. The formulation of Megabyzos, advocate of aristocracy in Herodotus’ ‘Persian debate’ (3.